That said, the focus of this article is on the African custom of lace-bark cloth production and its consumption in Jamaica. Lace-bark cloth was obtained from the bark of the lagetto tree. However, unlike the pro¬duction of tapa in the Pacific, the bark of the lagetto tree was not beaten into malleable cloth. Instead, the refined fibers of the lagetto bark were removed and teased out by hand and dried; the end result resembled fine lace or linen that was used by enslaved and freed women to make exquisite clothing and as a substitute for manufactured lace.4 Incredi¬bly, some of the enslaved African women were able to achieve financial independence with this vibrant cottage industry. Lace-bark production also fostered a creative space that enabled Jamaican women to be ex-pressive in their dress and at the same time escape, at least temporar¬ily, the harsh and oppressive measures of plantation life. Beginning in the seventeenth century, British colonial rule in Jamai¬ca saw a steady increase in African slaves brought in to labor on plan¬tations, in animal pens, and in urban areas. Jamaica had no sumptu¬ary laws that regulated enslaved people's dress customs and fashion; however, enslavers were required by law to provide the minimum clothing for their slaves. The Jamaican resident J. Stewart reported that the annual rations for most slaves was "as much Oznaburgh as will make two frocks, and as much woolen stuff as will make a great coat."5 This amount was insufficient for most slaves since the intense seasonal labor in the fields combined with the weathering of garments often rotted or destroyed the meager clothing rations slaves received.6 Moreover, the laws did not stipulate equal distri¬bution of clothing between enslaved men and women. Enslaved women in general received less clothing than their male counter¬parts and were expected to supplement their yearly clothing rations. As a consequence, some women stole clothes from their enslavers.7 Others received additional dress in exchange for sexual favors like the slave mistress Phibbah who received gifts of clothing from her enslaver Thistlewood, including "six pairs of shoes and much cloth for herself."8 Some slaves purchased additional clothing and cloth with money saved up from selling their produce.9 In 1786, Phibbah gave Thistlewood gifts in silver, money she had earned by "sewing, baking cassava, selling musk melons and watermelons out of her ground."10 Enslaved women like Phibbah were businesswomen and traders who used their creative talents and ingenuity to navigate and survive the harsh realities of slavery.  Several slaves in Jamaica who came from bark-cloth-producing areas of West and Central Africa utilized the skills they had acquired in their homeland to obtain suitable raw materials for clothing from their new environment. They acquired some knowledge of Jamaican native plants and trees from the indigenous people, the Taínos, and they built on this knowledge and developed it further.11 Cloth was a valuable commodity within the slave community as most enslaved persons could not afford the cost of imported European and Indian textiles and looked for a less costly and more viable means of obtain¬ing comfortable and fashionable clothing. Slave women produced bark cloth and lace bark as their ancestors had done in Africa, and they passed these skills down to their descendants in the diaspora. The Jamaican bark industry was extensive and significant to the live¬lihood of slaves. The eighteenth-century Jamaican resident Edward Long revealed that enslaved people made clothing from coratoe leaf (Agave morrisil Baker), mahoe bark (Hibiscus elatus Sw.), mountain cabbage (Roystonea altissima), and the down-tree-down (Ochroma py¬ramidale) among others.12 However, the most popular form of bark cloth produced in Jamaica was from the lace-bark tree.13 The lace-bark tree, Lagetta lagetto, is one of three species of the genus Lagetta, including, Lagetta valenzuelana, and Lagetta wrighti¬ana which belongs to the Thymelaeaceae plant family.14 In Jamaica, the tree is simply known as lace-bark tree or "gauze tree," and in a few rural areas, the plant is referred to as "sweet scented spurge," "white bark," "Indian lace," "linen lacebark," and "alligator bark."15  Although the name "Lagetto" was changed by the botanist Jis¬sieu to Lagetta to form a genus name, the term is actually derived from the Spanish word latigo meaning "horse-whip."16 Of the three species of the genus, the Jamaican non-domesticated Lagetta lagetto is the more common specie, and in the seventeenth century the tree was abundant in the forests of Jamaica.17 The lace-bark tree has laurel-like leaves of ovate shape and rounded at the base. The tree ranges in height from six to thirty-two feet; the trunk as wide as two feet; taking fifteen to twenty-five years to reach full maturity. The flowering tree blossoms in April and May, and the flowers are white and produced in terminal racemes.18 The lace-bark tree grows in wet limestone forests far from the coast at an altitude above 1,500 feet, where the annual rainfall is over 75 inches. Within wet lime¬stone forests, the lace-bark tree grows on the hillsides where the soil is graded to bare rock on slopes that form part of the sub-canopy of the forest.19  The tree is found primarily in the wet limestone region of the Cockpit Country, located in the western to central axis of Jamaica.20 The tree's habitat is designated territory of the Leeward Maroons, the descendants of early African runaway slaves who established settle¬ments in the mountains. From their main settlement at Accompong Town, they carried out a sustained campaign of armed resistance in the eighteenth century against the British, who sought to suppress them. The Maroons successfully secured their freedom and estab¬lished an autonomous community from the rest of Jamaican soci¬ety.21 The Maroons have direct access to lace bark as the trees grow in their territory and the region is inaccessible to outsiders.  The wet limestone forest in the Cockpit region consists of rocky hills, with depressions in the rock in which soil consisting of resid¬ual bauxite has accumulated at varying depths over the parent lime¬stone. These circular depressions are filled with humus from the surrounding rim of the limestone rock. The lace-bark tree grows in these crevices or depressions where the tree roots become en¬tangled with the porous limestone.22 In comparison to other bark-cloth trees such as paper mulberry in Polynesia and ficus in Africa, the lace-bark tree requires a unique environment and soil type to grow, making it difficult to propagate.23 In 1844, local botanists hop¬ing to collect plant saplings with roots complained of difficulties as they had to use "a hammer or large stone…to break away the porous limestone."24  Nevertheless, the bark of the tree was valued by both colonial¬ists and colonized people in Jamaica for the raw materials it pro¬vided. Strips of bark from the lagetto tree were used to make ropes, hammocks, and baskets. During slavery, some plantation owners twisted strips of the bark into whips that were used to flog their slaves as punishment. Meanwhile, the slender branches of the tree were used as support sticks for yam vines in vegetable gardens and on large farms. Among slaves in Jamaica, the bark was valued for its medicinal properties. It was used to cure rheumatism and joint pain from yaws. Field slaves used macerated bark mixed with water to heal skin rashes and sunstroke from working long hours in the hot climate. Some slave women used the green bark from the young plant as an abortifacient.25  Perhaps most striking of all was the texture of the lace-bark fi¬bers that captivated many scientists and collectors of curiosities. During his fifteen-month residence in Jamaica in 1687, the Euro¬pean physician and natural historian Sir Hans Sloane (1660–1753) became fascinated with Jamaican lace bark. In 1725 Sloane stated, "What is most strange…is that the inward bark is made up of about twelve coats, layers, or tunicles, appearing white and solid, which if cut off for some length, clear'd of its outward cuticula, or bark, and extended by the fingers, the filaments or threads thereof leaving some rhomboidal interstices, greater or smaller according to the di¬mensions you extend it to, form a web not unlike gause, lace, or thin muslin."26 Botanists were puzzled by its beauty and refined texture, while other natural historians of the period, such as Patrick Browne (1720–1790), were in such awe at the thought of "natural lace" and  were "equally at a loss with respect to it."27  Lace-bark production was divided by gender. Among the Ma¬roons, men searched the forest for mature lace-bark trees to har¬vest the bark. Lace-bark production and trading were carried out by freed and enslaved women.28 In comparison to tapa that required hours of tedious and noisy pounding of paper-mulberry bark with wooden mallets into malleable cloth, the production of lace bark was less strenuous. The large branches of mature lace-bark trees were removed for processing, or narrow strips of bark were cut lon¬gitudinally from the bole of the tree. Often entire sections of the bark were removed at once, thus preventing the tree from regener¬ating and eventually killing the tree. On occasions whole trees were cut down for their entire bark. The inner bark of the lace-bark tree trunk was of a fine texture, almost elastic, very strong, but could be divided into a number of thin filaments, which after being soaked in water, was drawn out with the fingers, thus spreading the lacy fibers more than five times wider than the original width of the bark strip. The fibers were rolled into large puff balls, then left to be dried on the ground. The puff balls were then stretched and dried in the sunlight. The end product resembled fine white lace, but could also imitate linen and gauze.  For many enslaved people, lace bark was appealing for several reasons. Lace-bark clothing kept the body cool in the warm tropical climate. Among some enslaved and freed women, lace-bark pro¬duction was a relaxing activity that could be done quietly in the home after work in the fields. Such activity often occurred in gen¬dered spaces that included women from the household and the community working together in solidarity to produce lace bark for sale and local consumption. Colonial society had long denigrated the physical attributes of black people; therefore some women saw lace-bark clothing as an opportunity to show that they too could be as elegant in their dress as their European enslavers. Seamstresses found lace bark most desirable because it could be stitched into vari¬ous styles. Edward Long recalled: "The ladies \[slaves and freed wom¬en\] of the island are extremely dexterous in making caps, ruffles, and complete suits of lace with it; in order to bleach it, after being drawn out as much as it will bear, they expose it stretched to the sunshine, and sprinkle it frequently with water...It bears washing extremely well...with common soap...and is equal to the best artifi¬cial lace...the wild Negroes \[Maroons\] have made apparel with it of a very durable nature.29 Long's account provides a fascinating sketch of clothing made from lace bark. The descriptions of the various clothing made with lace bark reflect creativity and sophistication in design on the part of Jamaican women. Other types of clothing and accessories made from lace bark included bonnets, caps, fans, wed¬ding veils, shawls, and slippers overlaid with natural lace. Besides clothing, enslaved and freed women turned lace-bark fiber into doilies or "fern mats" and runners to decorate tables and home furniture. It was used for window curtains and space dividers in the home as well as a sieve during cooking. Lace bark was also employed as bandages and protective covering for cradles to shield babies from gnats.30  Lace bark was a great substitute when manufactured European lace was scarce or too expensive. It was also used to make "dress up" clothes and for mourning dress.31 The lace produced was so exqui¬site that Sir Thomas Lynch, Governor of Jamaica from 1671 to 1674, presented the King of England, Charles the Second (1660–1685) with a cravat made of lace bark.32 The event brought the lace-bark industry some prestige and praise for Africans' superb craft skills. The abolition of slavery in 1838 transformed Jamaican society and fostered a new and emerging middle class who demanded more material possessions and greater access to textiles and fash¬ionable clothing. As ready-made European apparels and lace be¬came increasingly accessible and affordable, the demand for lace-bark clothing declined. Some freed women chose not to wear lace bark because it was associated with slavery. Many were lured and seduced by the abundance of imported fabrics that was once denied them and the ease with which these items could now be purchased. Some embraced European imported fabrics as a means of elevating their position in the new social order. Nevertheless, lace-bark cloth¬ing remained popular among peasants and the Maroons.33 By 1891 the development of a tourism industry in Jamaica led to a revived interest in Jamaican lace bark for use in craft items for the tourist market. A plethora of souvenir and curio shops emerged between the 1880s and the 1920s, offering craft items like lace fans, hats, shawls, and toy whips. Jamaican ferns were often incor¬porated into collage designs with lace bark for album covers and doilies.34 Numerous souvenir shops opened during the period, and their wares for sale were advertised in local papers including the Gleaner, and in tourist guidebooks and hotel brochures.35 Tourists visiting Jamaica remarked, "fans and doyleys \[doilies\]…made by na¬tives from lace-bark…are works of art, and exhibit refined taste and excellent workmanship."36 Many souvenirs were crafted by young women affiliated with church groups and organizations like the Women's Self Help Society founded in 1879 by Lady Jeanie Lu¬cinda Musgrave (1833–1920). The society became famous for pro¬ducing some of the most beautiful lace-bark souvenirs for local markets, dignitaries, and international exhibitions.37  Scientists in the nineteenth century sought lace-bark specimens for their labs, greenhouses, and botanical gardens, while travelers and collectors alike desired a piece of natural lace.38 Throughout the Victorian period, specimens were collected and shared with a few botanical gardens and museums, including The Royal Botanic Gardens at Kew and the Field Museum in Chicago, but various at¬tempts to distribute the plant to major botanical gardens continued to be a challenge for scientists.39 In 1844 saplings were obtained, but they grew only four inches.40 Some tried to cultivate the tree in marley (sod-like limestone) but were unsuccessful. Others tried good yellow loam mixed with a little leaf mold and sand, which gave better results, except the tree grew eight feet and "became an evergreen."41 Lace bark remains a difficult plant to propagate outside its natural habitat.  Lace bark gained international fame through Jamaica's partici¬pation in numerous international expositions. Beginning with the Great Exhibition of 1851 in London, which emphasized Britain's imperial power and celebrated the industrial achievements of all nations, Jamaica made its debut with a small exhibit of plant fi¬bers. During the exhibition, Queen Victoria was presented with an entire dress made from Jamaican lace bark.42 It was not until after 1851 at successive local, state, and international expositions and fairs that Jamaican lace bark gained international exposure and fame. At these international events, Jamaican exhibition spaces were laden with goods representing unique industries in Jamaica, including lace bark, and leaf fibers for textile production.43  In the wake of the Industrial Revolution, Britain continued to engage in bio-prospecting and sought to expand colonial agricul¬ture with a renewed interest in plant fibers suitable for industry. Kew Gardens played an integral role in providing seeds and plants for one of the most successful botanical enterprises in Jamaica's history. This gave way to new plantations and nurseries for varieties of economic plants, like cinchona, coffee, and various fruit trees.44 These agricultural enterprises did not include lace bark for several reasons. The unique soil and environment required for lace-bark trees to grow made cultivation on a large scale impossible. Nor was there an abundance of trees as in earlier decades. In 1885 the Insti¬tute of Jamaica that supervised the experiments concluded, "The celebrated lace-bark of Jamaica…formerly more abundant than it is now…even at its best, be hardly included amongst fiber plants likely to be useful on a commercial scale."45 Conceivably this explains why lace bark in the nineteenth century never became a major source for papermaking or textile manufacture. The celebrated, exotic tree, though not suitable for large commercial use, remained a popular ornamental souvenir among tourists who could afford it.  In the wake of the Industrial Revolution, Britain continued to engage in bio-prospecting and sought to expand colonial agricul¬ture with a renewed interest in plant fibers suitable for industry. Kew Gardens played an integral role in providing seeds and plants for one of the most successful botanical enterprises in Jamaica's history. This gave way to new plantations and nurseries for varieties of economic plants, like cinchona, coffee, and various fruit trees.44 These agricultural enterprises did not include lace bark for several reasons. The unique soil and environment required for lace-bark trees to grow made cultivation on a large scale impossible. Nor was there an abundance of trees as in earlier decades. In 1885 the Insti¬tute of Jamaica that supervised the experiments concluded, "The celebrated lace-bark of Jamaica…formerly more abundant than it is now…even at its best, be hardly included amongst fiber plants likely to be useful on a commercial scale."45 Conceivably this explains why lace bark in the nineteenth century never became a major source for papermaking or textile manufacture. The celebrated, exotic tree, though not suitable for large commercial use, remained a popular ornamental souvenir among tourists who could afford it.  By the late nineteenth century, lace bark became unsustainable and the lace-bark industry collapsed as the tree had become scarce from overuse. The lack of oversight by the colonial authorities and Maroons, combined with poor harvesting methods, plus a high de¬mand de¬mand for ropes, souvenir, and other tree products led to the deple¬tion of lagetto trees from Jamaican forests. Furthermore, urban sprawl and deforestation deprived the tree of its natural habitat. To make matters worse, many peasant farmers continued to cut down lagetto trees for its slender branches to be used for fencing and vine sticks in vegetable gardens.46 By the late nineteenth century, lace bark became unsustainable and the lace-bark industry collapsed as the tree had become scarce from overuse. The lack of oversight by the colonial authorities and Maroons, combined with poor harvesting methods, plus a high de¬mand de¬mand for ropes, souvenir, and other tree products led to the deple¬tion of lagetto trees from Jamaican forests. Furthermore, urban sprawl and deforestation deprived the tree of its natural habitat. To make matters worse, many peasant farmers continued to cut down lagetto trees for its slender branches to be used for fencing and vine sticks in vegetable gardens.46 The situation was dire and further compounded by fears of the tree becoming extinct, which led to a public plea from the Botanical Department of Jamaica. In 1890 the department issued an urgent statement: "The lace-bark tree provides a very beautiful natural lace, the bark of the tree which is used in large quantities by ladies for ‘fern work,' a characteristic art product of Jamaica. It is feared that this tree will soon become extinct…."47 The public notice further stated that "The Director of Public Gardens and Plantations will be thankful if anyone will send him seeds of this tree, in order that a small plantation may be formed for the purpose of providing seeds in the future for those who may wish to grow this valuable and in¬teresting tree."48 The appeals for help went unheeded, and by 1900 there was no mention of the lace-bark tree in the Government's annual report on plantations and gardens. Most shocking, by 1906, several reports estimated that "only about half a dozen lace-bark were left in existence…."49 And two years later, the number of trees remained the same.50 The lace-bark tree, that was once "in great plenty" in the seventeenth century, had dwindled to almost none.  The situation was dire and further compounded by fears of the tree becoming extinct, which led to a public plea from the Botanical Department of Jamaica. In 1890 the department issued an urgent statement: "The lace-bark tree provides a very beautiful natural lace, the bark of the tree which is used in large quantities by ladies for ‘fern work,' a characteristic art product of Jamaica. It is feared that this tree will soon become extinct…."47 The public notice further stated that "The Director of Public Gardens and Plantations will be thankful if anyone will send him seeds of this tree, in order that a small plantation may be formed for the purpose of providing seeds in the future for those who may wish to grow this valuable and in¬teresting tree."48 The appeals for help went unheeded, and by 1900 there was no mention of the lace-bark tree in the Government's annual report on plantations and gardens. Most shocking, by 1906, several reports estimated that "only about half a dozen lace-bark were left in existence…."49 And two years later, the number of trees remained the same.50 The lace-bark tree, that was once "in great plenty" in the seventeenth century, had dwindled to almost none.  In 1990, when I began looking for the lace-bark trees in Jamaica, I was told the tree no longer existed and the overall view was that the tree had become extinct. During field research in 2001 with rep¬resentatives from the Forestry Department of Jamaica, we located lagetto saplings under the forest canopy. On another field research in 2014, several young lace-bark trees were spotted with blossoms and fruits in the forest surrounding Accompong Town. The pres¬ence of so many small trees implies the lagetto tree has "come back" and there must be large parent trees deep in the Cockpit Country. Despite this exciting news, the future of these trees is uncertain. In 1990, when I began looking for the lace-bark trees in Jamaica, I was told the tree no longer existed and the overall view was that the tree had become extinct. During field research in 2001 with rep¬resentatives from the Forestry Department of Jamaica, we located lagetto saplings under the forest canopy. On another field research in 2014, several young lace-bark trees were spotted with blossoms and fruits in the forest surrounding Accompong Town. The pres¬ence of so many small trees implies the lagetto tree has "come back" and there must be large parent trees deep in the Cockpit Country. Despite this exciting news, the future of these trees is uncertain. Today, deforestation continues to be an ongoing problem, as well as the cutting down of branches for fencing and for vine sticks in gardens.51 Arguably the greatest threat to the lace-bark trees is that of mining for bauxite and limestone in the very habitat of the lagetto tree. Jamaica is the world's fifth largest producer of bauxite, the raw material for aluminum. Several attempts have been made to grant licenses for mining prospecting in the Cockpit Country. Any mining of the region for limestone or bauxite would be fatal to the lace-bark trees with their roots embedded into the crevices of limestone. In 2007 Colonel Sydney Redding, leader of the Ma¬roons, declared that mining "will not happen, or else there will be war."52 Hence the Jamaican government was compelled to withdraw a license for the US–based aluminum producer Alcoa Inc. and the state-owned Clarendon Aluminum Production Ltd. to begin min¬ing in the region due to threats of street protests by environmental activists.53 The ongoing dispute between government, the Maroons, and the mining sector makes this an issue unlikely to be resolved anytime soon. Therefore, how can we protect the remaining lace-bark trees? Suggestions include petitioning UNESCO to_ _t_o_ _i_n_s_c_r_i_b_e_ _t_h_e_ _l_a_c_e_-_b_a_r_k_ _t_r_e_e_s_' _h_a_b_i_t_a_t_ _a_s_ _a_ _w_o_r_l_d_ _h_e_r_i_t_a_g_e_ _s_i_t_e_ _a_n_d_ _n_a_t_i_o_n_a_l_ _p_a_r_k_ _a_s_ _w_e_l_l_ _a_s_ _c_o_l_l_e_c_t_i_n_g_ _l_a_c_e_-_b_a_r_k_ _s_e_e_d_s_ _f_o_r_ _a_ _s_e_e_d_ _b_a_n_k_._ _I_t_ _i_s_ _n_e_c_e_s_s_a_r_y_ _t_o_ _k_e_e_p_ _t_h_e_ _k_n_o_w_l_e_d_g_e_ _o_f_ _l_a_c_e_ _b_a_r_k_ _a_l_i_v_e_ _b_y_ _t_e_a_c_h_i_n_g_ _a_b_o_u_t_ _t_h_i_s_ _w_o_n_d_e_r_ _t_r_e_e_ _i_n_ _t_e_x_t_i_l_e_ _a_r_t_ _a_n_d_ _h_i_s_t_o_r_y_ _c_l_a_s_s_e_s_,_ _p_e_r_h_a_p_s_ _a_d_a_p_t_i_n_g_ _l_e_s_s_o_n_s_ _l_e_a_r_n_e_d_ _f_r_o_m_ _f_i_b_e_r_ _c_o_n_s_e_r_v_a_t_i_o_n_ _e_f_f_o_r_t_s_ _a_n_a_l_o_g_o_u_s_ _t_o_ _t_h_e_ _l_a_c_e_ _b_a_r_k_ _i_n_ _J_a_m_a_i_¬c_a_._5_4_ _I_t_ _w_o_u_l_d_ _b_e_ _f_r_u_i_t_f_u_l_ _t_o_ _i_n_i_t_i_a_t_e_ _d_i_a_l_o_g_u_e_ _w_i_t_h_ _h_a_n_d_ _p_a_p_e_r_m_a_k_i_n_g_ _a_r_t_i_s_t_s_,_ _p_a_p_e_r_ _m_a_n_u_f_a_c_t_u_r_e_r_s_,_ _f_a_s_h_i_o_n_ _d_e_s_i_g_n_e_r_s_,_ _a_n_d_ _t_e_x_t_i_l_e_ _m_a_k_e_r_s_ _a_b_o_u_t_ _l_a_c_e_-_b_a_r_k_ _c_o_n_s_e_r_v_a_t_i_o_n_._ _I_n_ _2_0_1_5_ _H_e_r_ _M_a_j_e_s_t_y_,_ _Q_u_e_e_n_ _E_l_i_z_a_b_e_t_h_ _I_I_,_ _a_n_d_ _h_e_a_d_ _o_f_ _t_h_e_ _B_r_i_t_i_s_h_ _C_o_m_m_o_n_w_e_a_l_t_h_,_ _l_a_u_n_c_h_e_d_ _t_h_e_ _Q_u_e_e_n_'s_ _C_o_m_m_o_n_w_e_a_l_t_h_ _C_a_n_o_p_y_ _(_Q_C_C_)_ _t_o_ _f_o_s_t_e_r_ _c_o_n_s_e_r_v_a_t_i_o_n_ _i_n_i_t_i_a_t_i_v_e_s_ _t_o_ _p_r_o_t_e_c_t_ _i_n_d_i_g_e_n_o_u_s_ _f_o_r_e_s_t_s_ _t_h_r_o_u_g_h_o_u_t_ _B_r_i_t_i_s_h_ _C_o_m_m_o_n_w_e_a_l_t_h_ _t_e_r_¬r_i_t_o_r_i_e_s_ _s_u_c_h_ _a_s_ _J_a_m_a_i_c_a_._ _A_l_t_h_o_u_g_h_ _t_h_i_s_ _i_s_ _w_e_l_c_o_m_e_ _n_e_w_s_,_ _i_t_ _i_s_ _t_o_o_ _s_o_o_n_ _t_o_ _s_e_e_ _w_h_a_t_ _i_m_p_a_c_t_ _t_h_i_s_ _w_i_l_l_ _h_a_v_e_ _o_n_ _e_n_d_a_n_g_e_r_e_d_ _t_r_e_e_s_ _s_u_c_h_ _a_s_ _l_a_c_e_ _b_a_r_k_ _i_n_ _J_a_m_a_i_c_a_._5_5_ _C_a_n_ _l_a_c_e_ _b_a_r_k_ _b_e_ _r_e_v_i_v_e_d_ _a_s_ _a_ _v_i_a_b_l_e_ _e_c_o_n_o_m_i_c_ _a_c_t_i_v_i_t_y_?_ _L_a_c_e_ _b_a_r_k_ _t_h_r_i_v_e_d_ _a_n_d_ _w_a_s_ _s_u_s_t_a_i_n_a_b_l_e_ _f_o_r_ _c_e_n_t_u_r_i_e_s_ _b_e_f_o_r_e_ _b_e_i_n_g_ _o_v_e_r_u_s_e_d_ _i_n_ _t_h_e_ _n_i_n_e_t_e_e_n_t_h_ _c_e_n_t_u_r_y_._5_6_ _R_e_g_a_r_d_l_e_s_s_,_ _t_h_e_r_e_ _i_s_ _n_o_ _d_o_u_b_t_ _t_h_a_t_ _l_a_c_e_ _b_a_r_k_ _w_a_s_ _s_i_g_n_i_f_i_c_a_n_t_ _i_n_ _p_e_o_p_l_e_'s_ _l_i_v_e_s_ _a_n_d_ _a_n_ _i_m_p_o_r_¬t_a_n_t_ _p_a_r_t_ _o_f_ _J_a_m_a_i_c_a_'s_ _h_i_s_t_o_r_y_._ _ Today, deforestation continues to be an ongoing problem, as well as the cutting down of branches for fencing and for vine sticks in gardens.51 Arguably the greatest threat to the lace-bark trees is that of mining for bauxite and limestone in the very habitat of the lagetto tree. Jamaica is the world's fifth largest producer of bauxite, the raw material for aluminum. Several attempts have been made to grant licenses for mining prospecting in the Cockpit Country. Any mining of the region for limestone or bauxite would be fatal to the lace-bark trees with their roots embedded into the crevices of limestone. In 2007 Colonel Sydney Redding, leader of the Ma¬roons, declared that mining "will not happen, or else there will be war."52 Hence the Jamaican government was compelled to withdraw a license for the US–based aluminum producer Alcoa Inc. and the state-owned Clarendon Aluminum Production Ltd. to begin min¬ing in the region due to threats of street protests by environmental activists.53 The ongoing dispute between government, the Maroons, and the mining sector makes this an issue unlikely to be resolved anytime soon. Therefore, how can we protect the remaining lace-bark trees? Suggestions include petitioning UNESCO to inscribe the lace-bark trees' habitat as a world heritage site and national park as well as collecting lace-bark seeds for a seed bank. It is necessary to keep the knowledge of lace bark alive by teaching about this wonder tree in textile art and history classes, perhaps adapting lessons learned from fiber conservation efforts analogous to the lace bark in Jamai¬ca.54 It would be fruitful to initiate dialogue with hand papermaking artists, paper manufacturers, fashion designers, and textile makers about lace-bark conservation. In 2015 Her Majesty, Queen Elizabeth II, and head of the British Commonwealth, launched the Queen's Commonwealth Canopy (QCC) to foster conservation initiatives to protect indigenous forests throughout British Commonwealth ter¬ritories such as Jamaica. Although this is welcome news, it is too soon to see what impact this will have on endangered trees such as lace bark in Jamaica.55 Can lace bark be revived as a viable economic activity? Lace bark thrived and was sustainable for centuries before being overused in the nineteenth century.56 Regardless, there is no doubt that lace bark was significant in people's lives and an impor¬tant part of Jamaica's history.  ___________    notes notes 1. Inez K. Sibley, "Jamaica's Wonder Tree," The Jamaican Gleaner, June 6, 1968.  1. Inez K. Sibley, "Jamaica's Wonder Tree," The Jamaican Gleaner, June 6, 1968.  2. Sir Hans Sloane, A Voyage to the Island of Madera, Barbados, Nevis, St. Christopher and Jamaica, with the Natural History of the Herbs and Trees, Four Footed Beasts, fishes, Birds, Insects, Reptiles, Etc. of the Last of Those Islands (London: B.M., 1707–25), 1:131.  2. Sir Hans Sloane, A Voyage to the Island of Madera, Barbados, Nevis, St. Christopher and Jamaica, with the Natural History of the Herbs and Trees, Four Footed Beasts, fishes, Birds, Insects, Reptiles, Etc. of the Last of Those Islands (London: B.M., 1707–25), 1:131.  3. Frank Cundall, "A History of Printing in Jamaica from 1717 to 1834," The Daily Gleaner, Centenary Number, 1834-1934, Thursday, September 13, 1934.  3. Frank Cundall, "A History of Printing in Jamaica from 1717 to 1834," The Daily Gleaner, Centenary Number, 1834-1934, Thursday, September 13, 1934.  4. Ibid. 4. Ibid. 5. J. Stewart, A View of The Past and Present State of the Island of Jamaica with remarks on the moral and physical condition of the slaves and the abolition of slavery in the colonies (Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd, 1823), 269. 5. J. Stewart, A View of The Past and Present State of the Island of Jamaica with remarks on the moral and physical condition of the slaves and the abolition of slavery in the colonies (Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd, 1823), 269. 6. Barry Higman, Slave Populations of the British Caribbean, 1897–1834. (Kingston: The Press University of the West Indies, 1995), 224–225.  6. Barry Higman, Slave Populations of the British Caribbean, 1897–1834. (Kingston: The Press University of the West Indies, 1995), 224–225.  7. Barbara Bush, Slave Women in Caribbean Society, 1650–1838 (Kingston, Ja¬maica: Heinemann, 1990), 61. 7. Barbara Bush, Slave Women in Caribbean Society, 1650–1838 (Kingston, Ja¬maica: Heinemann, 1990), 61. 8. Douglas Hall, In Miserable Slavery: Thomas Thistlewood in Jamaica, 1750–1780 (London: Macmillan, 1989), 231. 8. Douglas Hall, In Miserable Slavery: Thomas Thistlewood in Jamaica, 1750–1780 (London: Macmillan, 1989), 231. 9. Theodore Foulks, Eighteen Months in Jamaica with Recollections of the Late Rebellion (London: Whittaker, Treacher and Arnott, 1833), 107. 9. Theodore Foulks, Eighteen Months in Jamaica with Recollections of the Late Rebellion (London: Whittaker, Treacher and Arnott, 1833), 107. 10. Hall, In Miserable Slavery, 231. 10. Hall, In Miserable Slavery, 231. 11. The skill of making hammocks was passed on to Africans by the early inhabit¬ants. 11. The skill of making hammocks was passed on to Africans by the early inhabit¬ants. 12. Edward Long, The History of Jamaica or General Survey of the Ancient and Modern State of the Island with Reflections on Its Situation Settlements, Inhab¬itants, Climate, products, Commerce, Laws, and Government (London: T. Low¬nudes, 1774), 3:858. See also Sloane, A Voyage to the Island of Madera, 2:22–23, and the Appendix. 12. Edward Long, The History of Jamaica or General Survey of the Ancient and Modern State of the Island with Reflections on Its Situation Settlements, Inhab¬itants, Climate, products, Commerce, Laws, and Government (London: T. Low¬nudes, 1774), 3:858. See also Sloane, A Voyage to the Island of Madera, 2:22–23, and the Appendix. 13. Long, The History of Jamaica, 3:858.  13. Long, The History of Jamaica, 3:858.  14. C.D. Adams, Flowering Plant of Jamaica (Kingston: The University of the West Indies Press, 1972), 454. 14. C.D. Adams, Flowering Plant of Jamaica (Kingston: The University of the West Indies Press, 1972), 454. 15. Additional names of the lace-bark tree obtained in interviews with Maroons, Accompong Town, July 2003 and July 2014. 15. Additional names of the lace-bark tree obtained in interviews with Maroons, Accompong Town, July 2003 and July 2014. 16. W.R. Gerard, "Origin of the Word Lagetto," American Anthropologist, New Series 14, no. 2 (April 6, 1912): 404. 16. W.R. Gerard, "Origin of the Word Lagetto," American Anthropologist, New Series 14, no. 2 (April 6, 1912): 404. 17. Georgina Pearman and Hans D.V. Prendergast, "Plant Portraits: Items from the Lacebark Tree [Lagetta lagetto (W. Wright), Nash: Thymelaeaceae] from the Caribbean," Economic Botany 54, no. 1 (Jan–Mar 2000): 4-6.  17. Georgina Pearman and Hans D.V. Prendergast, "Plant Portraits: Items from the Lacebark Tree \[Lagetta lagetto (W. Wright), Nash: Thymelaeaceae\] from the Caribbean," Economic Botany 54, no. 1 (Jan–Mar 2000): 4-6.  18. Adams, Flowering Plants of Jamaica, 454. 18. Adams, Flowering Plants of Jamaica, 454. 19. G.F. Asprey and R.G. Robbins, "The Vegetation of Jamaica," Ecological Mono¬graphs 23, no. 4 (Oct 1953): 384–85. 19. G.F. Asprey and R.G. Robbins, "The Vegetation of Jamaica," Ecological Mono¬graphs 23, no. 4 (Oct 1953): 384–85. 20. Ibid., 384. 20. Ibid., 384. 21. Philip Sherlock and Hazel Bennett, The Story of the Jamaican People (Kings¬ton: Ian Randle Publisher, 1998), 133–49. 21. Philip Sherlock and Hazel Bennett, The Story of the Jamaican People (Kings¬ton: Ian Randle Publisher, 1998), 133–49. 22. Lesley-Gail Atkinson, ed. The Earliest Inhabitants: The Dynamics of the Ja¬maican Tainos (Kingston: University of the West Indies, 2006), 92. 22. Lesley-Gail Atkinson, ed. The Earliest Inhabitants: The Dynamics of the Ja¬maican Tainos (Kingston: University of the West Indies, 2006), 92. 23. Sir William Jackson Hooker, David Prain, and Otto Stapt, "Lagetto lintearis; Jamaica Lace-bark," Curtis' Botanical Magazine 76 (1850): 4502. See also Asprey and Robbins, "Vegetation of Jamaica," 383. 23. Sir William Jackson Hooker, David Prain, and Otto Stapt, "Lagetto lintearis; Jamaica Lace-bark," Curtis' Botanical Magazine 76 (1850): 4502. See also Asprey and Robbins, "Vegetation of Jamaica," 383. 24. Hooker et al., Curtis's Botanical Magazine 76 (1850): 4503. 24. Hooker et al., Curtis's Botanical Magazine 76 (1850): 4503. 25. C.D. Adams, Flowering Plants of Jamaica, 484. 25. C.D. Adams, Flowering Plants of Jamaica, 484. 26. Sloane, Voyage to the Islands, 2:22.  26. Sloane, Voyage to the Islands, 2:22.  27. William Wright, Memoir of the Late William Wright, MD, with Extracts from his Correspondence and Selection of his Papers on Medical and Botanical Sub¬jects (Edinburgh: William Blackwood, 1787), 207.  27. William Wright, Memoir of the Late William Wright, MD, with Extracts from his Correspondence and Selection of his Papers on Medical and Botanical Sub¬jects (Edinburgh: William Blackwood, 1787), 207.  28. Steeve Buckridge, The Language Of Dress: Resistance and Accommodation in Jamaica, 1760–1890 (Kingston: The University of the West Indies Press), 49–57. 28. Steeve Buckridge, The Language Of Dress: Resistance and Accommodation in Jamaica, 1760–1890 (Kingston: The University of the West Indies Press), 49–57. 29. Edward Long, The History of Jamaica, 3:747–748.  29. Edward Long, The History of Jamaica, 3:747–748.  30. Steeve Buckridge, African Lace-Bark in the Caribbean: The Construction of Race, Class and Gender (London: Bloomsbury Press, 2016), 75–78.  30. Steeve Buckridge, African Lace-Bark in the Caribbean: The Construction of Race, Class and Gender (London: Bloomsbury Press, 2016), 75–78.  31. Ibid.  31. Ibid.  32. Georgina Pearman, "Plant Portraits" Economic Botany 54, no. 1 (Jan–Mar 2000): 4–6; Sloane, A Voyage to the Island of Madera, 2:22–23.  32. Georgina Pearman, "Plant Portraits" Economic Botany 54, no. 1 (Jan–Mar 2000): 4–6; Sloane, A Voyage to the Island of Madera, 2:22–23.  33. Buckridge, African Lace-Bark, 119–121. 33. Buckridge, African Lace-Bark, 119–121. 34. Ibid. 34. Ibid. 35. Jas Johnston, MD., Jamaica: The New Riviera: A Pictorial Description of the Island and Its Attractions (London: Cassell, 1903), advertisements. 35. Jas Johnston, MD., Jamaica: The New Riviera: A Pictorial Description of the Island and Its Attractions (London: Cassell, 1903), advertisements. 36. Alfred L. Jones, Through Jamaica with a Kodak: with Introductory Notes by His Grace the Arch Bishop of the West Indies [Enos Nuttall] (London: John Wright & Company, 1907), 12. 36. Alfred L. Jones, Through Jamaica with a Kodak: with Introductory Notes by His Grace the Arch Bishop of the West Indies \[Enos Nuttall\] (London: John Wright & Company, 1907), 12. 37. Augustus Constantine Sinclair, Lawrence R. Fyfe, and Samuel Poynter Munson, The Handbook of Jamaica (1886), 433. 37. Augustus Constantine Sinclair, Lawrence R. Fyfe, and Samuel Poynter Munson, The Handbook of Jamaica (1886), 433. 38. Hooker et al., Curtis's Botanical Magazine 76 (1850): 4503. 38. Hooker et al., Curtis's Botanical Magazine 76 (1850): 4503. 39. Ibid. 39. Ibid. 40. Ibid. 40. Ibid. 41. Ibid. 41. Ibid. 42. B. Palliser, A History of Lace, 4th ed. (London: Sampson Low, 1902). 42. B. Palliser, A History of Lace, 4th ed. (London: Sampson Low, 1902). 43. Herbert Fairall, The World's Industrial and Cotton Centennial Exposition, New Orleans, 1884–1885 (Iowa City: Herbert S. Fairall, 1885), 403. There is no reference in the Royal Archive about a lace-bark dress given to Queen Victoria. This story of the dress is found in secondary texts.  43. Herbert Fairall, The World's Industrial and Cotton Centennial Exposition, New Orleans, 1884–1885 (Iowa City: Herbert S. Fairall, 1885), 403. There is no reference in the Royal Archive about a lace-bark dress given to Queen Victoria. This story of the dress is found in secondary texts.  44. D. Morris, Jamaica Annual Report on the Public Gardens and Plantation, 1885, 1–31. 44. D. Morris, Jamaica Annual Report on the Public Gardens and Plantation, 1885, 1–31. 45. Transactions of the Institute of Jamaica 1885 (Kingston: Mortimer C. DeSouza printer, 1885), 45–48. 45. Transactions of the Institute of Jamaica 1885 (Kingston: Mortimer C. DeSouza printer, 1885), 45–48. 46. Edward Long, The History of Jamaica, 3:736–858. See also Emily Brennan and Mark Nesbitt, "Is Jamaican Lace-Bark a Sustainable Material?" Text for the Study of Textile Art, Design and History 38 (2010–11): 17–23.  46. Edward Long, The History of Jamaica, 3:736–858. See also Emily Brennan and Mark Nesbitt, "Is Jamaican Lace-Bark a Sustainable Material?" Text for the Study of Textile Art, Design and History 38 (2010–11): 17–23.  47. Ibid. 47. Ibid. 48. Ibid. 48. Ibid. 49. Anonymous, "The Lace Bark," Jamaica Gleaner, June 16, 1906. (Article in the Gleaner was originally published in Royal Magazine, June 1906). 49. Anonymous, "The Lace Bark," Jamaica Gleaner, June 16, 1906. (Article in the Gleaner was originally published in Royal Magazine, June 1906). 50. George B. Utter, The Sabath Recorder, 64, no. 1 (Plainfield, NJ: The American Sabath Tract Society, 1908). 50. George B. Utter, The Sabath Recorder, 64, no. 1 (Plainfield, NJ: The American Sabath Tract Society, 1908). 51. Owen B. Evelyn and Roland Camirand, "Forest Cover and Deforestation in Ja¬maica: An Analysis of Forest Cover Estimates Over Time," International Forestry Review 5 (2003): 354–63. 51. Owen B. Evelyn and Roland Camirand, "Forest Cover and Deforestation in Ja¬maica: An Analysis of Forest Cover Estimates Over Time," International Forestry Review 5 (2003): 354–63. 52. "Jamaica Maroons Vow to Fight Mining," Washington Post, Sunday, January 7, 2007. 52. "Jamaica Maroons Vow to Fight Mining," Washington Post, Sunday, January 7, 2007. 53. Ibid. 53. Ibid. 54. Jane C. Wheeler and Domingo Hoces R. "Community Participation, Sustainable Use, and Vicuña Conservation in Peru," Mountain Research Development vol. 17, no. 3 (Aug 1997): 283–87. 54. Jane C. Wheeler and Domingo Hoces R. "Community Participation, Sustainable Use, and Vicuña Conservation in Peru," Mountain Research Development vol. 17, no. 3 (Aug 1997): 283–87. 55. "Queen's Commonwealth Canopy: A Shot in The Arm for Jamaica's Forests," The Gleaner, December 22, 2016. Buckridge, African Lace-Bark, 120–125.  55. "Queen's Commonwealth Canopy: A Shot in The Arm for Jamaica's Forests," The Gleaner, December 22, 2016. Buckridge, African Lace-Bark, 120–125.  56. Emily Brennan, Lori-Ann Harris and Mark Nesbitt, "Object Lesson Jamaican Lace-bark: Its History and Uncertain Future," Textile History 44 (2013): 249. 56. Emily Brennan, Lori-Ann Harris and Mark Nesbitt, "Object Lesson Jamaican Lace-bark: Its History and Uncertain Future," Textile History 44 (2013): 249.

‍